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Apples and Oranges

Apples and Oranges

September 28, 2019 (1,559 words)

There are some 50,000 employees of General Motors who are currently out on strike. They are all members of the United Auto Workers, the same union that represents similar employees at Ford and Chrysler.

The contracts between each of the Big Three automakers and the UAW do not run concurrently. They have different term limits and so expire in different years. The idea is that negotiations with one automaker will sort of set the tone and raise the bar for the next round of negotiations with one of the other two companies.

In the case of GM their factory workers made substantial concessions ten years ago, in the wake of the financial crisis of 2008, in order to help the company remain afloat during perilous times. Now that the auto industry has turned a corner, and General Motors is once again recording healthy pre-tax profits – $10.8 billion in 2018 on $38.4 billion in revenue – union members are looking for their fair share of those profits.

Yes, the profit-sharing check of $10,750 that was announced in February for every one of GM’s UAW members was certainly a step in the right direction. But if my math is correct those bonus checks total up to a mere $54 million, which hardly makes a dent in that $10.8 billion of pre-tax profit.

Of course, even those of us who have no head for big business realize a company can’t distribute all its profits every year to its employees. Reserves must be held for various contingencies such as maintenance and replacement costs, not to mention the all-important category of research and development.

And GM is making that very point in these negotiations – the need to allocate a portion of their latest $10.8 billion windfall to the development of new, electric car technology.


looking for promises of job security…


In addition to higher wages and a cap on their healthcare deductible, union members are looking for promises of job security, along with asking that the legion of “temporary” GM workers be given full-time status, and the same top-line compensation package.

In response, General Motors says it’s counting on those temporary workers and their lower wages and benefits to help keep labor costs in line. The challenge of remaining competitive is a familiar rallying cry, especially in light of the many foreign automakers now operating non-union manufacturing facilities here in the States.

For a behind-the-scenes look into this dynamic, please consult the new Netflix documentary American Factory. It illustrates the financial pressures being applied to both management and the common workforce in a most even-handed manner. A simple Google search turns up the following synopsis:

In post-Industrial Ohio, a Chinese billionaire opens a new factory in the husk of an abandoned General Motors plant. Early days of hope and optimism give way to setbacks as high-tech China clashes with working class America.

In the hands of these observant filmmakers, the story is much more nuanced than a simple tale of a greedy overseas billionaire setting up shop here and exploiting the locals.

We see a bevy of Chinese managers and supervisors – experts in the manufacturer of auto glass for windshields – attempt to train and oversee the down-on-their-luck, recently laid-off GM workers. The visitors have their work cut out for them, trying to get middle-aged men and women to learn the nuances of a complicated process they are completely unfamiliar with.


almost coming across as lazy…


Compared to the super-motivated and (for the most part) younger Chinese, the older Americans don’t look particularly engaged. At times they almost come across as lazy. The viewer should keep in mind, though, how difficult and frustrating it must be to cope with a hyper-demanding production line, while being paid less than half what you were earning at your previous job.

When the plant is still not profitable after the first year, changes are implemented. The Ohio native and auto industry veteran, initially installed to lead the new endeavor as its president, is replaced with a Chinese National. Staffing on the shop floor is cut, in a desperate attempt to bring labor costs in line with projections.

We see a middle-aged woman, who stared as part of a two-person team, now left alone to inspect finished windshields coming off the line. This involves picking up a heavy windshield from the conveyor belt, and placing it on a stand with a number of other windshields. One windshield after another, all day long, all by herself.

What American Factory quietly dramatizes is a classic clash of cultures. The Chinese seem to eat-sleep-and-breathe their job. They bunk six to an apartment to keep living expenses to a bare minimum. We see one such group share a simple evening meal around a stark table. Then the camera cuts to one of those diners, smoking the odd cigarette out on a tiny balcony, before going to bed.

They don’t understand why it is taking the Americans so long to pick up on their procedures. And they resent the Americans’ unwillingness to work late and come in on Saturdays (with no offer of overtime pay) to get things back on track.


expecting a high return on investment…


It goes without saying the billionaire owner who made this huge investment in the old Ohio factory is expecting the same high return he’d likely get from a comparable investment in China. And who can blame him, right? One’s first instinct, after all, is to commend the gentleman for wanting to move the operation closer to the market he intends to serve.

But the gap in expectations is just too great. These laid-off GM workers were making $29.00 an hour, with full medical benefits, vacation and holiday pay, and a pension. Now they are earning a fraction of that – $12.00 an hour with all but non-existent benefits – at the new Chinese owned-and-operated windshield manufacturing plant that blew into town as a savior just a few short years ago.

This is what the UAW members on strike at General Motors right now are up against. And let’s face it folks, things do not look good for these union workers. How can GM continue to offer a life-sustaining compensation package when the entire auto industry is headed in the opposite direction?

Instead of pointing fingers and assigning blame, American Factory leaves the viewer to contemplate a larger question: How and why did all this happen?

Domestic auto-makers were once able to operate profitably and still provide a good living to their line workers. But now we are told the demands of the market make that impossible to maintain.

Even those of us who lack a head for big business can figure out one of the culprits is the amped-up return the wealthy now look to take from any investment. This may have always been the case, down through history. But it sure seems to have ratcheted up again in the last fifty or sixty years, and especially since the personal computer-fueled boom that started in the 1980s.

It’s no longer enough to be profitable. The percentage of our population with discretionary income at their disposal now expects the highest profit possible, for the pile of spare cash being “tied up” in any given investment.

The other obvious culprit is the dramatic increase in executive compensation, which siphons more of the pre-tax profit away from the bottom, where assembly line people live their lives, to the top of the employment pyramid.


clever maneuvers that elude controls…


This second problem has unfortunately gotten much worse just since the early 1990s, when the Clinton Administration’s attempt to rein in the alarming discrepancy between executive and median pay backfired. Clever companies found a creative way around the new directives, and started awarding unlimited stock options to their top people.

It’s hard to see how things will ever improve in this regard. Those not part of the investor class are having an increasingly rough time of it these days. It would appear the establishment of a reasonably secure middle class was, in hindsight, a brief shining moment in the history of our country. For those who must work for a living, it seems the 21st century is starting off pretty much the way the 19th century ended.

That General Motors is starting to invest in electric car technology is a good thing. But this transition will put all the people now assembling transmissions and combustible engines out of work. While I understand the UAW’s demand for “job security,” I don’t agree with it.

The way we work and the jobs we hold have undergone a series of transitions and transformations over the years. There is no stopping innovation. Those transitions are frequently painful for the majority of people forced into making them.

All this creative disruption would be easier for the little people to swallow, when they have to switch gears in mid-life, if only they would be treated fairly by the industries they helped make king-of-the-hill, while those industries enjoyed their time at the top.

Which is to say, when General Motors issues a meager $10,750 bonus to their UAW workers, that amounts to an approximate $54 million outlay against a 2018 pre-tax profit of $10.8 billion, it hardly qualifies as “fair treatment.”

Robert J. Cavanaugh, Jr.
September 28, 2019

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The Welfare State

The Welfare State

September 12, 2019 (3,585 words) The idea of a “Green New Deal” has recently been floated by certain members of the Democratic Party’s progressive wing, which has received an infusion of new blood via the November 2018 election. One of the most outspoken proponents of this audacious concept is a young woman by the name of Alexandria Ocasio Cortez. A political novice, Ms. Cortez was elected to Congress in a surprise upset, from a district that includes parts of two different New York City boroughs (Bronx and Queens), and has made quite a splash since taking office this past January. Her instant reputation has been fueled by, among other things, her social media presence. It seems AOC tweets almost as frequently as the current Republican occupant of the White House. Anyway, this bold proposal is obviously meant to invoke the original New Deal of the 1930s, which was rolled out during the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. You may recall it as the federal government’s coherent response to the Great Depression that engulfed the country in the wake of the infamous Wall Street crash of October 1929. For younger readers, FDR was a wealthy patrician who nevertheless developed a level of empathy for the hard-scrabble proletariat. This endeared him to the common folk, who to this day willingly overlook his unfortunate foreign policy proclivities. Those proclivities ultimately drove us into WWII, in large part to bail out Winston Churchill and the mess he helped create with the vindictive treatment of Germany that was negotiated into the Versailles Treaty at the end of WWI. But before our gallant, storied entry into that conflict, FDR made a concerted effort to address some very large, systemic domestic problems. We have all but forgotten what those problems were.

the need to address large, systemic problems…


Instead, the entire period has been reduced in the minds of most of us to a simplistic deification of an unalloyed humanitarian. Or the equally simplistic demonization of one man’s colossal governmental overreach, that laid the foundation for the loss of freedoms we are suffering through today. On the four-hour drive to visit our grandchildren recently, I came across a radio interview with a professor at a California university who the host identified as an expert on the New Deal. I wasn’t able to hear all that much before driving through the area and losing reception, but the gentleman prof was underscoring how so much of the good we take for granted in contemporary society is a direct result of this long-ago legislative package. I didn’t get the man’s name, or the title of his most recent book, and I don’t want to sell him short with my next comment. While I think there is great value in exploring the systemic economic problems the New Deal sought to address, I believe there is even greater value in recognizing this was the Roosevelt administration’s attempt to implement the principles espoused in Quadragesimo Anno, the social encyclical promulgated by Pope Pius Xi in 1931.

ethical implications of the social and economic order…


That encyclical, in turn, was based on Pope Leo XIII’s groundbreaking effort of forty years earlier, Rerum Novarum (1891). The subtitle of Rerum Novarum is “On the Rights and Duties of Capital and Labor,” and it delves into the plight of the working classes. The English translation of Quadragesimo Anno is “The Fortieth Year.” It elaborates on Leo’s themes, continuing to stress the big-picture ethical implication of the social and economic order. I mention this now because I believe conservative Catholics who dismiss the likes of AOC as a loose cannon with wacky ideas, while somehow bringing themselves to defend our wacky President as a principled – if slightly unorthodox – statesman, have gotten themselves completely turned around on the all-important subject of economic behavior. How this happened is an interesting little story. In hindsight, these good-hearted people of a Catholic persuasion appear to be among the primary victims of the great paradigm shift that occurred some fifty years ago. It all started when the Democratic Party first went rogue, and assumed the full emancipation of the individual in private sexual matters as its new mantle, equal in importance to its old, established concern over economic injustice. Once this happened, many practicing Catholics found themselves without a political home. So by default they took up with that other party, the one that eventually got around to saying it was “pro-life.” Without fully realizing what this meant, these good-hearted Catholics adopted that other party’s core, long-held belief in the full emancipation of the individual in public, economic matters.

free markets as the magic formula for solving all social problems…


This full emancipation in economic matters translates into an unwavering support of “free markets.” Laissez-faire rules, with an “absence of obstacles” that allows the chips to fall where they may. It’s a fairy-tale world where supply and demand replaces right and wrong, and where every economic actor pursing his or her self-interest results in the best of all possible worlds. Trickle-down will take care of the little people. Swallowing this nonsense is how pro-life Catholics voluntarily fall head-first into the Republican quagmire. These earnest people continue to yearn for the repeal of Roe v. Wade, the startling Supreme Court decision of 1973. As they bide their time, they find solace in the odd legislative initiative limiting abortion access here or there. Along with a smattering of favorable judicial appointments that are occasionally announced, both on the high court and various federal courts of appeal around the country. Meanwhile, they are content to let everything else slid. While they patiently await our national day of atonement on abortion, this breed of Catholic really only clamors for one thing: the “religious freedom” to practice their faith without undue government interference. In return, they inadvertently cede the larger, public square economic issue to our “principled, conservative” leaders, the ones who eventually get around to asserting a pro-life inclination at election time. So they acquiesce to the one-size-fits-all Republican approach to domestic policy: Any economic problem can be solved by cutting taxes and rolling back regulations. To their credit, the crafty Republicans have stayed true to their calling and haven’t wavered one little bit in their resolve. Not since they first emerged from the ashes of the old Whig party, in the middle of the 19th century. Not since our Founding Whigs sought to limit the voting franchise to those who own property.

protecting the interests of well-off white guys…


Let’s face it, this gang has always been about protecting the interests of well-off white guys, rather than promoting the common good. It was when some Catholics switched sides in the 1970s, and allowed themselves to be divided into opposing political factions, that our economy took what amounts to its latest predatory turn for the worst. As in the past, the profound understanding of economics as an essentially moral enterprise – the heart of Catholic social teaching – has once again been marginalized by the cognoscenti. In the midst of this dramatic paradigm shifting – this 20th century version of the dividing of Christendom – stands the legacy of The Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Whether you are a (liberal) fan of that Council’s theological recasting of the Catholic imagination, or a (conservative) critic of the unfortunate ambiguity its documents – or at least the application of those documents – introduced into the belief and practice of the bourgeoisie, there is one thing both sides should be able to agree on. Vatican II effectively cut Catholics off from their intellectual heritage. With their minds distracted by the post WWII economic boom, and by the relaxation in sexual mores that usually accompanies any such burst of prosperity, liberal and conservative Catholics fully embraced the egalitarian American mindset.

becoming embarrassed by easy-to-understand concepts…


A sign of that embrace was how both sides simultaneously became embarrassed by beautifully articulated and easy-to-understand concepts like the formidable “error has no rights.” Catholics of all stripes also became embarrassed by the social (I.e. economic) teaching of the pre-conciliar Popes, such as Leo XII and Pius XI. It was discarded as obsolete, since the post WWII boom and the modern consumer economy were on the way to solving all those large, systemic domestic problems. And ever since, the efforts of all post-conciliar Popes to reference and re-affirm this economic teaching have, sadly, fallen on deaf ears. Agreeing with the Republican-libertarian construct of the economy as a thriving, self-contained engine that can deliver prosperity to all, if allowed to function without interference, has had dire consequences for a specific segment of the Catholic population. It has been the undoing of pro-life Catholics. It is the reason this group now finds itself wandering in the political desert. Unfortunately, aiding and abetting this Catholic dysphoria is a polished posse of conservative Catholic spokespeople – who tend to be employed by prestigious foundations that are funded by private wealth.

downplaying all papal challenges to the economic status quo…


Well-meaning as they may be, these opinion-makers are positively hell-bent on down-playing any challenge to the economic status quo made by John XXIII, Paul VI, John Paul II, Benedict XVI, and yes, most especially Francis. This loosely associated group of respected men and women seem to have a shared objective in mind when they show up for work each day: convincing the rest of us that our current brand of unfettered capitalism is perfectly aligned with Catholic social teaching. But, oh my, it most certainly is not. We should be wary of anyone who helps maintain the illusion that Catholics can support the standard Republican economic proscription with a clear conscience. In this such people are obviously counting on our not bothering to read for ourselves what all these Popes – every single one of them – are saying if rank-and-file, highly committed pro-life Catholics – among the finest people one could ever hope to meet, by the way – are serious about restoring the “culture of life,” they must first give themselves a good talking to, and start recognizing all the signposts, not just some of them. One cannot calmly ignore immorality in public, economic matters, only to then vociferously chastise the same level of immorality in private, sexual matters. Locating the source of our sexual depravity in things like the “scholarship” of Alfred Kinsey, and the “sophistication” of Hugh Hefner, makes perfect sense. But you must also be prepared to call out our predatory economy as an equivalent depravity, and identify its source in the buttoned-down “business acumen” of Milton Freidman and his many acolytes.

finding a way out of the pro-life desert…


Finding a way out of the pro-life desert will not be a simple matter of identifying and throwing political support behind the next Moses, because no such champion will ever emerge from our adversarial system. We must resign ourselves to the fact there is not now, nor will there ever be, a perfect candidate. Neither political party will ever produce such a leader, because neither one is pre-occupied with promoting public virtue, and leading the citizenry to eternal salvation. This is why Catholics always end up selling themselves short whenever they invest too heavily in one of these deficient parties. Instead of waiting for a modern-day Moses, though, Catholics could affect their own political liberation. This challenging DIY project would have to start with an ideological awakening. Step one in this grueling process of political liberation would be to realize that what passes for conservative economic policy is not the embodiment of Christian ideals. And to confront an awkward fact that looms so large it’s easy to miss: Our country’s founding was not a grand re-statement of traditional religious conviction for the modern age. It was, in fact, the West’s first official, state-sponsored rejection of Christianity as the basic operating system for society. Step two would be to see the deepening level of economic injustice we are currently experiencing as a natural by-product of the personal autonomy and rugged individualism embedded in the American DNA. And that the relatively recent decision to legalize abortion in this country represents not a “wrong turn,” but the logical extension of that same DNA.

a slow and steady contamination…


There is no question abortion is the greater evil, but pro-life Catholics may want to consider how we got here. The mainstream acceptance of this abomination was the result of a slow and steady contamination of the general public. It took place over many years, out in the open. It was not the sudden, incendiary work of a handful of radical judges and legislators who operated under the cover of darkness. The deplorable court rulings and legislation merely acknowledge a change in the zeitgeist, as these things usually do in a pluralist democracy. Therefore pro-life strategy should not be limited to its current laser-focus on judicial and legislative action, like repealing Roe v. Wade and shutting off federal funding to Planned Parenthood, worthy as those objectives surely are. This has always been a hearts-and-minds issue, more than anything else. The pro-life movement would do well to enlarge the scope of its mission, and try speaking in a much more overt way to the underlying problem: In the United States personal autonomy and the pursuit of individual happiness take precedence over every other consideration. While it may be unrealistic to expect a politician or political candidate to argue against a founding principle such as the pursuit of individual happiness, Catholics can help guide them – and the entire country – in the right direction, by supporting whatever economic policy initiatives bring us closer to a Christian worldview that promotes the common good. That worldview, by the way, directly contradicts the secular vision we in America have chosen to live by. It is based on the unity of faith and reason, and a moral tradition, and an understanding of human flourishing that extends beyond merely improving the material circumstances of the clever or advantaged. The political/economic results yielded by such Catholic influence on a stubbornly secular electorate will more than likely be a piecemeal effort. Catholic fortunes may appear to rise or fall from one election cycle to the next. But if these believers have faith in what they have been taught, and the courage of their convictions, they should be able to soldier through to a more satisfactory result.

what really drives most abortions?…


Regarding the dreaded abortion issue, it would help if pro-life Catholics could come to terms with reality: many abortions are not merely a “lifestyle” decision, the choice of ambitious women who don’t want their education or career interrupted. The fact is many abortions – the majority of abortions? – have a strong economic component. The pregnant woman cannot see how she or her husband or her significant other can possibly afford to bring another baby into this world. So while it’s not something that immediately occurs to the run-of-the-mill, conservative pro-life Catholic, addressing economic injustice would be an invaluable step in saving countless women from the abortion option now viewed as the only viable solution to their economic predicament. Restoring a level of economic justice to our society – as FDR attempted to do back in the 1930s – may prompt even the clever and advantaged to re-think their me-first, aren’t-I-great approach to life. This infusion of empathy may well lead to a conversion of heart on the part of women who do currently abort for lifestyle reasons. Pro-life Catholics who are serious about restoring the culture will have to abandon their libertarian alliances, and get with the Catholic program of real human flourishing, which can only begin when the humbles have a living wage, decent benefits, and safe working conditions. If the politicians or political candidates who espouse such life-affirming economic ideas also support a woman’s right to choose, and marriage equality, Catholics should not necessarily discount the economic advocacy of these politicians out of hand. After all, such people are only modeling the zeitgeist regarding sexual mores, based on the time-honored American tradition of personal autonomy and rugged individualism.

yes, pro-life Catholics face a conundrum…


What a minute, you may be asking yourself at this point: How can a pro-life Catholic possibly square this suggested approach with the stern advice dispensed each election season by our prelates and priests and the pro-life leadership? Yes, I admit, this approach does create a conundrum for the principled Catholic. But I guess my point is this conundrum has existed since the 1970s, when the Democratic Party first went rogue. Pro-life Catholics have simply chosen to ignore it. Or have done a poor job of properly examining all sides of it. Or have allowed their own prosperity to blind them to the larger societal problem. It is the broad ideology of personal autonomy and rugged individualism behind the American Experiment that has painted our culture into this corner. Our two political parties each carry a strain of the virus known as “individual emancipation from authority, law, and tradition.” The Republicans excel in rebelling against the moral tradition in the way they practice economics. The Democrats now revel in rebelling against the same moral tradition when it comes to sexual behavior. If a Catholic wants to support a Republican candidate on the basis of a stated pro-life inclination, I say that Catholic should only do so while protesting vehemently against the Republican Party’s decidedly anti-Catholic economic policies. And to keep in mind that no Republican can stop a women from wanting to have an abortion, or any two people of the same gender from wanting to marry each other. Similarly, if a Catholic decides to support a Democratic candidate who advances life-affirming economic ideas, such a Catholic should be very noisy about that party’s regrettable support for what amounts to licentiousness. But again, no Democrat can force a woman to abort her unborn child, or force two people of the same gender to marry each other.

being far more pro-active in turning things around…


I am suggesting here that Catholics can be far more pro-active in turning things around than they are currently allowing themselves to be. The way pro-lifers offer uncritical support to Republicans just makes endemic economic injustice that much worse. This leads more people to feel financially overwhelmed and unable to bring children into the world, which then leads to more abortions. When pro-life Catholics completely dismiss any and all Democrats out of hand, it gives free rein to the worst predatory aspects of unfettered capitalism, which in large measure is responsible for fueling the very thing – abortion – these principled Catholics most want to see addressed, above all else. Here’s a thought: Let’s not give ANY politician a pass on ANY issue. Catholics should stop giving Republicans a pass on economics. And they should by all means continue to give Democrats a hard time about abortion. But once more for emphasis, support for an idea is not an automatic government mandate. No one is being forced to abort their unborn child, or to marry someone of their own gender. If Catholics are going to be more pro-active, they will have to do a better job of grasping the complexity of the situation. This extends to our prelates, priests, and the pro-life leadership. Banging away at election time like a one-note-Johnny that we can’t vote for any politician who dutifully models the zeitgeist on abortion, is NOT an example of grasping the complexities. I honestly think this comes down to having confidence and a determination that the truth will eventually win out. Anyone who sincerely wants a more just and equitable society – such as a Democrat who may be momentarily misguided on reproductive rights and marriage equality – can’t help but arrive at the same conclusion the Roosevelt administration did, back in the 1930s. It is only in applying Catholic social teaching – in all its many facets – that real human progress can be made. (Of course the Republican Party – with many an observant Catholic in tow – claims a more just and equitable society as its end game, too. But it clings to the fanciful notion an unrestricted market and trickle-down economics will someday get us there.) Or to quote Pius XI on the subject, “There can be no social progress outside the moral order.” To be sure, if these wayward souls are to come around, everyday Catholics with a feel for the Church’s social teaching as it applies to economics will have to show the way. And their demeanor in this effort should display above all else a love and compassion for the ones who are presently operating under a false (American) impression of what true freedom is, and what real progress looks like. If our country is one day able to regain a sense of economic justice, all the other seemingly intractable social problems that vex us will become more manageable. Not only will economic justice help lead men back to honor a commitment to the women who bear their children. This same overriding sense of justice will also help lead our entire culture back to a respect for all human life, not just the life and happiness and personal fulfillment of the mother. The reason this restoration must begin with revising our approach to the basic economic questions is quite simple. In the modern era, economics always dictates culture, not the other way around. Robert J. Cavanaugh, Jr. September 12, 2019

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The Standard Send-Off

The Standard Send-Off

August 30, 2019 (1,236 words)

When the billionaire philanthropist David Koch recently died at age 79, he got the standard send-off from The Wall Street Journal. It praised his well-known faith in free markets and limited government as “keys to delivering a broadly based prosperity and free way of life for all Americans.”

He and his brother Charles helped build Koch Industries into the second largest privately held company in America.

“Long before the Business Roundtable endorsed the idea that business contributions to society must be broader than profits, David Koch was demonstrating what a businessman with conviction could do for society.

In his case that included satisfying customers, providing jobs for thousands of employees, meeting America’s energy needs, promoting policies to spread freedom – and stepping in with the philanthropy he believed is preferable to waiting around for the government to do it.”

I find more than one suspect cliché embedded in this short eulogy.

“Providing jobs for thousands of employees” is not necessarily worthy of praise, if the jobs created do little to promote the full human flourishing of those forced to work them. That flourishing involves much more than money, of course, but can only get off the ground with a living wage, decent benefits, and safe working conditions.

If David Koch gave away $1.295 billion in his lifetime, as the WSJ reports, that is a clear indicator he a) probably skimped on the wages and benefits offered to the bulk of his thousands of employees, and b) probably also dodged his fair share of tax liability.


asking libertarians to grasp a basic principle…


Our highly-successful libertarians don’t seem to comprehend this basic principle: If they behaved with a bit more social conscience in their everyday business dealings, the needs of society would be getting met to a much greater degree. And we could all stop “waiting around for the government to do it.”

The rugged individualism exemplified by the Koch brothers is a quality many of us take pride in and try to emulate. This has an unfortunate trickle-down effect, in my opinion. Consider this common refrain, heard from purveyors of business, large, small, and in-between:

“You, as the owner, have shouldered all of the risk for all of these years. That in itself is worth a lot. As valuable as any employee is to the success of a business, at the end of the day they are not taking on the risk of ownership. So it makes sense that they do not share in all of the proceeds.”

“Hopefully, they share a lot – their salaries and bonuses probably already reflect their contributions. But still the business is yours to succeed or fail. And remember when times were tough, you are the one that did not take a paycheck.”

Here again, folks, there is a veritable trail of over-ripe bromides, lurking like landmines in our fairy-tale legend of entrepreneurship.

To begin with, the risk-reward dynamic has been thoroughly overplayed by the ownership class, if you ask me. All employees are taking on a measure of risk, in the sense that if this thing goes under, they will have to go out and find other employment. Not an easy thing to do in this day and age. They may have to forfeit assets, too, if this thing crashes and burns and they are left on the unemployment line.


what goes on behind the platitudes…


And sad to say, the “I took all the risk” mindset can serve as little more than rhetorical cover for using privately-held companies as a license to print money, in support of the owners’ lifestyle. This is often what’s going on behind the platitudes. As for “not taking a paycheck,” the people who can forego that bi-weekly bank stub are frequently playing with house money, carried forward from previous ventures.

Sure, there are still a raft of honest entrepreneurs who really do sleep on their sister’s couch, and subsist on nuts and berries. But why do we think of business in this way – as a sort of casino where high-stake wagers yield windfall pay-outs if everything comes up aces. As if this constitutes a higher order of thinking.

In pointing these things out, I am not trying to undermine the common understanding of the American Dream.

Okay, maybe I am. Too often our chamber of commerce types deploy conventional wisdom indiscriminately, and use it as a sort of diversionary tactic, to camouflage how their hometown membership fails in living up to the new, “broader” mission statement recently published by the Business Roundtable.

This organization, which represents the largest corporations in the country, just went public with a clear, if somewhat counter-cultural, message: American businesses need to focus on more than making profit; delivering shareholder value is not enough.

Talk about a revolution in the making. Before you know it, the Roundtable will come right out and declare a corresponding need: To adequately compensate rank-and-file employees who help bring entrepreneurial dreams to life, and get them across the finish line.


discussing nuts-and-bolts stuff out in the open…


There is a reason this nuts-and-bolts stuff needs to be discussed out in the open. When you are a flawed human being, as many of us happen to be, and especially if you are one of those who subsist on nuts and berries for any length of time, it’s just way too easy to talk yourself into believing YOU took all the risk, and YOU did the lion’s share of the work.

The other part of the problem emanates from the audience’s perspective: We think the success achieved by business people – be it on a grand scale like the Koch Brothers or a more modest one – could be duplicated by any of us, if only we were willing to “take on the risk of ownership” and “put in those insane hours.”

But this is simply not the case. Successful entrepreneurs have been endowed with a unique gift. Just as each of us mere mortals have also been blessed with an equally unique gift. And we all have a responsibility to use the gifts we have been given to benefit not just ourselves, but those around us.

Some gifts end up benefiting family members and friends, neighbors and co-workers. But other gifts have been designed to find their ultimate expression in the public square.

Which brings us to the heart of the matter: Trail-blazers who shoulder risk, assume the responsibility of ownership, subsist on nuts and berries and postpone financial return, are merely doing what they were born to do.

And doing what comes naturally should not warrant any special, outsized reward. There is no immutable law that states a lead dog must automatically suck up all the oxygen in the room, financially speaking.

Let’s try to outgrow this me-first, aren’t-I-great mentality that is born of the American Dream and held in such high regard. We’re all here to work out some kinks in our character, regardless of where life slots us on the org chart. In the final analysis, when this trial run is over, we have it on good authority the last shall be first and the first last.

And let’s also remember to whom much is given, much is expected in return. This is the higher order of thinking business people should be using as their inspiration.

Robert J. Cavanaugh, Jr.
August 30, 2019

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Justification or Atonement

Justification or Atonement

August 23, 2019 (4,217 words) It’s not uncommon for young, headstrong people to make poor choices and bad decisions while in their halcyon teens and 20s, and sometimes even into their 30’s and 40’s. But once we reach the calmer waters of our 50’s and 60’s it’s natural to look back, take stock, and recognize where we may have veered off course. We begin to own up to our mistakes, even if hesitantly and a bit haltingly. This is when humility makes its first appearance in many of our lives. That doesn’t seem to be happening with the same frequency it once did. More often than not these days, with waves of encouragement from the culture of personal autonomy and self-fulfillment, yesterday’s rebels are digging in their heels and doubling down on their apostasy. They are refusing to acknowledge the flaws in their youthful thought process, and choosing instead to stand by and defend their often flagrant miscues. If imitation is the sincerest form of flattery, endless justification of our wayward behavior strikes me as an unfortunate form of self-flattery. I suppose the proper word would be “narcissism,” though, wouldn’t it? This came to mind recently when I happened across the June cover story of The Atlantic magazine. It’s entitled “Abolish the Priesthood,” and is written by that famous ex-priest, James Carroll. By way of full disclosure, I have not followed Mr. Carroll’s illustrious post-ordination journey, nor am I the least bit familiar with his oeuvre. But I have read his long Atlantic piece several times now, and I think I get his gist. A simple internet search reveals Carroll was ordained in 1969 at the tender age of 26, and left the priesthood in 1974, at the equally tender age of 31. This brief, five-year stint inspires his confident assertion: “I know this problem from the inside.”

whistle-blower status as a badge of honor…


Indeed, his whistle-blower status appears to be his calling card, a badge of honor, and the basis of his subsequent forty-five year (and counting) writing career. By all accounts he has successfully mined this limited experience again-and-again, in award-winning books of fiction and non-fiction. Along the way he has developed a reliable reputation for dire observations about the Catholic Church and the ordained life that our contemporary world has been only too eager to embrace. If that is so, if his five years as a young priest are the foundation of all that has followed, then it would be safe to say the ideological bent of this current magazine article is fairly representative of the whole. So I can’t be accused of jumping to conclusions. But make no mistake, the man can write. The acclaim and plaudits he has garnered for his fluent prose style have merit. And to be clear, it’s not my intention here to clumsily disparage or casually dismiss James Carroll’s heterodox ideas just because I may disagree with him. On the contrary, I readily grant many people think and feel the same way he does. My objective is not to throw stones, but to balance the scales in some small way. Since polite society already agrees with everything Mr. Carroll has to say, the field is ripe for someone to push back a bit on the conventional wisdom of the day.

his eloquence lends nobility to the average skeptic…


Since he is not saying anything new at this point – merely adding yet more evidence to buttress his basic argument – his writing is now a case of preaching to the choir. Though his eloquence does make the average skeptic feel much nobler about their own rebellion. Regarding that choir, he himself acknowledges his recent 2018 decision to stop attending Mass and receiving the Eucharist will probably be met with indifference among his rank-and-file readership: Who cares? It’s about time! Nevertheless, for a layman like me to tackle this professional’s polish and erudition is a daunting task. Just considering this long magazine article alone, one has no choice but to admit how accomplished the 10,000 word effort is, and how comprehensive is its scope. Not only is it beyond my ability to address and rebut each example of priestly malfeasance and institutional corruption Mr. Carroll cites, but it would require 10,000 words of my own to even attempt the challenge. So I will limit myself to a few broad strokes, as his my wont. For starters, one notices Carroll’s five short years in the priesthood did not lead him to conclude that perhaps he wasn’t cut out to be a priest. Instead it apparently taught him there is something fundamentally wrong with the priesthood itself. All two thousand years of it. When hearing confessions of young people who were racked with guilt because of “a Church-imposed sexual repressiveness,” it does not occur to him the formation he received at his liberal (by his own admission) seminary may have been lacking in the fundamentals on this important subject. Alternatively, he can’t bring himself to simply call out the obvious: How challenging it can be for a young priest to properly discern an authentic Catholic perspective on this most important, elemental aspect of the human condition.

reaching the same conclusions as our cultural arbiters…


Nor does it seem to register with Mr. Carroll that he has coincidentally reached the same conclusion regarding the Church’s “sexual repressiveness” has have so many others, who also happen to be our leading cultural arbiters. He does, however, articulate that viewpoint with far more panache, employing a slew of impressive historical antecedents to underscore the standard complaints. For those who go in for this sort of thing, he locates the source of all the repression in the fourth century, and identifies Augustine’s “theology of sex” as the culprit. The way Augustine reads Genesis, Carroll tells us, paints the original act of disobedience in the Garden of Eden, involving Adam and Eve, as a sexual sin. This “put sexuality, and anything related to it, under a cloud, and ultimately under a tight regime. The repression of desire drove normal erotic urges into a social and psychological netherworld.” And then before you know it, we arrive at: “The celibacy of priests… may have been put forward, early on, as a mode of intimacy with God, appropriate for a few. But over time the cult of celibacy and virginity developed an inhuman aspect – a broader devaluation and suspicion of bodily experience.” Adding to this “suspicion” and “devaluation,” the original act of disobedience in Eden “led to the blaming of women for the fatal seduction – and thus for all human suffering down through the generations. This amounted to a major revision of the egalitarian assumptions and practices of the early Christian movement.” For James Carroll, “The Church’s maleness and misogyny became inseparable from its structure.” That structure is based not on the Gospels, but “in the attitudes and organizational charts of the late Roman Empire… under the Emperor Constantine, in the fourth century, Christianity effectively became the imperial religion and took on the trappings of the empire itself.. with the bishop in Rome reigning as monarch.” This, then, is the origin of “clericalism,” that deadly condition which “explains both how the sexual-abuse crisis could happen, and how it could be covered up for so long.” It all began in that treacherous fourth century, with:

“the vesting of power in an all-male and celibate clergy… The conceptual underpinnings (of which) can be laid out simply: Women were subservient to men. Laypeople were subservient to priests, who were defined as having been made ‘ontologically’ superior by the sacrament of holy orders.”

“Removed by celibacy from the competing bonds of family and obligation, priests were slotted into a clerical hierarchy that replaced the medieval feudal order.”

It is a measure of Mr. Carroll’s cleverness as a polemicist and skill as a writer that he can stitch together these various strands of conspiracy theory into a coherent narrative that appears to our modern, emancipated selves as a beautiful tapestry. But when all is said and done the astute James Carroll is just another prisoner of his age. Like many other young bucks coming up in the 1960s, he wanted the Catholic Church to be “pularistic, committed to peace, a champion of the equality of women, and a tribune of justice.” He saw the papacy of John XXIII (1958-1963) as emblematic of those values, and the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) that John initially convened as “a vast theological recasting of the Catholic imagination… raising basic questions of ethos, honesty, and justice, setting in motion a profound institutional examination of conscience.”

a Rorschach test for Catholics…


But as we have seen in the fifty some years since the close of Vatican II, its legacy is far from cut-and-dried. It has become something of a Rorschach test for Catholics, with each side of the liberal/conservative dialectic claiming its heralded documents either dramatically reformed or creatively re-affirmed this or that teaching. For his part, Mr. Carroll entered the priesthood in the wake of the Second Vatican Council as a member of “a liberal American order known as the Paulist Fathers… (They) redefined themselves around (what they saw as) the vision of Pope John, and made me an advocate of that vision.” The problem for all of us, Carroll included, is how we have fallen into the habit of identifying our modern-day Popes as either good guys or bad guys. We are quick to give each of them the thumbs up or down, as if we are all back in the Coliseum, watching lions maul Christians. But this incessant setting up of what we like against what we don’t like is a disease of the mind. We should be looking for the continuity of the Magisterium from one papacy to the next, instead of this partisan interpretation of each gesture or statement as a “much needed reform of a backward teaching” or a “staunch re-affirmation of hallowed tradition.”

reform-minded initiatives thwarted by clericalism…


In Mr. Carroll’s view, all of Pope John’s reform-minded initiatives of the late 1950s and early 1960s were ultimately thwarted by clericalism, “with its cult of secrecy, its theological misogyny, its sexual repressiveness, and its hierarchical power based on threats of a doom- ladened afterlife…” And while Pope Francis struck Carroll in the beginning “like a rescuer,” he has proven to be just another ordained disappointment, despite what our author approves of as several papal attempts at paradigm shifting. In the end, though. “Francis has stoutly protected the twin pillars of clericalism – the Church’s misogynist exclusion of women from the priesthood and its requirement of celibacy for priests.” This clericalism “is at the root of Roman Catholic dysfunction… If the structure of clericalism is not dismantled, the Roman Catholic Church will not survive, and will not deserve to.” Oh, my. The poor man goes on like this for several thousand more words. James Carroll has been aware of the priest sex abuse scandal since the early 1990s, but he is only now deciding the priesthood itself must be abolished. What is responsible for this ratcheting up of his protest? It was the recent 2018 visit of Pope Francis to Ireland. Or more specifically the Pope’s comments made to reporters on his return trip to Rome, that until then he had known nothing of the infamous Magdalene Laundries or their scandals. (For reference, please consult the movie Philomena, starring Judi Dench.) Mr. Carroll solemnly reports, “As I read the Pope’s words, a taut wire in me snapped.” As no doubt that same taut wire snapped in many of us, as well. Any decent human being naturally reacts with frustration and disgust to all of this. The following summary, prepared by yours truly, no doubt expresses the sense many of us share:

The emotional, physical, and sexual abuse perpetrated by ordained men and consecrated women around the world is deplorable. It is a violation not only of their sacred vows, but of the basic norms of decency, of which Christian charity forms the basis. This abuse has caused grievous hurt to numerous young people, and their hurt cries out to heaven for healing.

This abuse should never have been permitted, nor should its revelation have ever been covered up. The perpetrators of both the abuse itself and the subsequent cover-up should be brought to justice.

What that justice looks like is subject to debate, however, and is beyond the scope of my short essay here. Also subject to debate is why all this abuse happened in the first place. Contrasting the Carroll narrative is an alternate chain of causality put forth by, among others, Emeritus Pope Benedict XVI. Just this past April, Benedict published a widely distributed article in which he identifies the source of the sex abuse crisis as follows: #1) Moral laxity of the 1960s #2) Godlessness of contemporary culture #3) Existences of homosexual cliques in seminaries Mr. Carroll is having none of it, however, and dismisses the Pope’s remarks as “a diatribe that was extraordinary as much for its vanity as for its ignorance.” Now, one may be inclined to think an unflattering thought or two in the wake of Benedict’s all-but-unprecedented “retirement” from the papacy. But describing this humble servant – a truly modest man possessed of a towering intellect – as “vain” and “ignorant” is woefully off the mark. James Carroll is out to kill two birds with one stone. Abolishing the celibate all-male priesthood eliminates what he sees as the source of the sex-abuse crisis. And this, in turn, will open the door to the “theological recasting of the Catholic imagination” young James had such high hopes for back in the 1960s. Then, at last, Catholicism will be free to finally and fully adopt the ethos and norms of the pluralist, democratic order, which was first introduced by the ideology of “classical liberalism” some five hundred years ago, and which the Catholic hierarchy has been wrestling with ever since. This belated adoption would immediately result in equality for laypeople – especially women – as office-holders in the Church. Once we rid ourselves of the toxic notion of priestly celibacy, the “broad transformation” the moribund Catholic community is so desperately in need of can at last get underway:

”Yes to female sexual autonomy; yes to love and pleasure, not just reproduction as a purpose of sex; yes to married clergy; yes to contraception; and, indeed, yes to full acceptance of homosexuals. No to male dominance, no to the sovereign authority of clerics; no to double standards.”

Carroll has his sights set on The Full Monty, as it were, as his argument clearly hinges on the meaning and purpose of sexual behavior. For an intelligent Catholic writer to suggest the Church believes sexual intercourse should be strictly limited to reproduction, to the exclusion of “love and pleasure,” gives this intelligent Catholic reader pause. Granted, Church teaching on the special bond created by the unitive and procreative aspects of the coital act, between one man and one woman in a committed relationship for life, has been successfully drowned out by society. When even casual advertising of the most mundane consumer products is often blatantly pornographic, when promiscuity is readily promoted via mass entertainment, and our pluralist public square relentlessly preaches we are entitled to “follow our bliss” at all times, without consideration for the ones we may be hurting by our wonton selfishness, the Church’s stubbornly counter-cultural message can be difficult to decipher. Regarding this long list of suggested improvements, the obvious reaction is to wonder why anyone would spend time advocating for such broad-based reforms in the Catholic Church, when there are over 200 distinct Protestant denominations one can choose from that have already implemented the very changes Mr. Carroll is so enthusiastic about.

trying to fit a square peg in a round hole…


And that’s the ultimate take-away here. Why are you trying so hard to fit a square peg into a round hole? It’s as though our old friend James Carroll just needs to get out for some fresh air and clear his head. How can someone come up with the slogan: “To save the Church, dismantle the priesthood” as a response to the sex abuse crisis, when that same person observes “a relatively small number of priests are pedophiles.” How can one rail against a fetid hierarchy in one breath, and cite the fruits of the Catholic faith that are overseen and administered by that same hierarchy in the next breath:

”The virtues of the Catholic faith have been obvious to me my whole life. The world is better for those virtues, and I cherish the countless men and women who bring the faith alive. The Catholic Church is a world-wide community of over 1 billion people. North and South, rich and poor, intellectual and illiterate – it is the only institution that crosses such borders on anything like this scale.”

”Around the world there are more than 200,000 Catholic schools and nearly 400,000 Catholic hospitals and health-care facilities, mostly in developing countries. The Church is the largest nongovernmental organization on the planet, through which selfless men and women care for the poor, teach the unlettered, heal the sick, and work to preserve minimal standards of the common good.

Reading this inspiring passage one wants to cry out, “Well done, Mr. Carroll, I couldn’t have said it any better.” But such optimism is in short supply, and is dispensed with quite early in the article. The overarching theme here is “desperate times call for desperate measures.” Unfortunately, being a prisoner of his age limits Carroll’s ability to see the big picture. For more on this big picture, we have Letter to a Suffering Church: A Bishop Speaks on the Sexual Abuse Crisis. This short 105-page book was just released in May by Bishop Robert Barron, who is an “auxiliary” bishop for the Archdiocese of Los Angeles. Barron reminds us that when it comes to sexual immorality and licentiousness on the part of our clergy, we have been here before, and we have survived. Throughout our history there have even been Popes whose behavior was so notorious one historian described Benedict IX (1032-1045) as:

“…a demon from hell, in the disguise of a priest, (who) occupied the Chair of Peter and profaned the sacred mysteries of religion by his insolent course.”

Victor III, a papal successor, spoke of Benedict’s “ rapes, murders, and other unspeakable acts of violence and sodomy.” There were plenty of other profligates, and Bishop Barron mentions a few of them. Like John XII (955-964), who died in a married woman’s bed. And Alexander VI (1254-1261), who fathered a string of illegitimate children with numerous woman. For additional perspective, Barron quotes a letter Saint Peter Damian addressed to the then Pope in 1049, on the subject of clerical sex:

” The befouling cancer of sodomy is, in fact, spreading so through the clergy, or rather like a savage beast, is raging with such shameless abandon through the flock of Christ.”

Then this saint, in the same letter, directed his anger at bishops who had sexual relations with seminarians and younger priests. These florid historical anecdotes are not intended to make us feel any better about today, about what Bishop Barron calls “the storm of wickedness that has compromised the work of the Church in every way and has left countless lives in ruins…” In fact, Robert Barron aggress with James Carroll there are many good reasons to criticize ordained and consecrated representatives of the Catholic Church, and to be angry with the corruption, stupidity, careerism, cruelty, greed, and sexual misconduct on the part of certain Church leaders. But the two men part company in one very important respect. Barron quotes Hillaire Belloc to help draw the distinction:

”The Catholic Church is an institution I am bound to hold divine – but for unbelievers a proof of its divinity might be found in the fact that no merely human institution conducted with such lavish imbecility would have lasted a fortnight.”

Mr. Carroll is no longer subscribing to Belloc’s famous line of reasoning, and is advising the rest of us to abandon it as well. He wants Catholics to detach themselves from the clerical hierarchy, and in the process take the faith back into their own hands. He himself wants to “be part of what brings about the liberation of the Catholic Church from the imperium that took it captive 1,700 years ago.” His vision of this impending liberation is suitably romantic:

“What if multitudes of the faithful, appalled by what the sex-abuse crisis has shown the Church leadership to have become, were to detach themselves from – and renounce – the cassock-ridden power structure of the Church and reclaim Vatican II’s insistence that the power structure is not the Church?

The Church is the people of God. The Church is a community that transcends space and time. Catholics should not yield to clerical despots the final authority over our personal relationship to the Church. I refuse to let a predator priest or a compliant bishop rip my faith from me.”

Okay, one wants to reply, then don’t let them…

“Replacing the diseased model of the Church with something healthy… will involve, for many, unauthorized expressions of prayer and worship – egalitarian, authentic, ecumenical; having nothing to do with diocesan borders, parish boundaries, or the sacrament of holy orders…”

“In what way, one might ask, can such institutional detachment square with actual Catholic identity? Through devotions and prayers and rituals that perpetuate the Catholic tradition in diverse forms, undertaken by a wide range of commensensical believers, all insisting on the Catholic character of what they are doing.”

There you have it, folks. We don’t need no stinking priests, all we need are commensensical believers… In the end, if you will allow a friendly euphemism, James Carroll’s beautifully articulated proscription is also a bit of a hoot. He recognizes how no non-governmental organization has more power to promote change for the better around the world than does the Catholic Church. But he tells us that good work can only continue if the calcified institution becomes enlightened, reforms itself, and gets with the pluralist democratic program.

the need to fend off Catholic “triumphalism”…


If it can manage this overdue transition, “the Church will still have a world-wide reach, with some kind of organizing center… but that center will be protected from Catholic triumphalism by being openly engaged with other Christian denominations.” One hardly knows where to begin by way of response. As if sexual abuse is non-existent in the rest of society, outside the Catholic clergy. As if the earnestness of everyday believers, insisting on the Catholic character of what they are doing, is all the encouragement any of us need on the road to salvation. As if belief in the “one, holy, and apostolic Church” is somehow holding us back. For the record, I share Mr. Carroll’s obvious enthusiasm for the word “egalitarian,” and his equally obvious disdain for the word “hierarchy.” I like to keep to myself, go my own way, and take pride in strange behavior. But whether we like it or not, an organization of any size requires some sort of chain of command to accomplish anything at all. Otherwise total chaos ensues. In other words, as appealing as egalitarianism might be to our rugged sense of individualism, it has its built-in limitations. And can’t we all agree an organization with one billion members is a lot to corral? There will inevitably be some serious problems along the way. Let us not forget that people everywhere, in every time and place, will always be susceptible to the seven deadly sins. Those who have chosen of their own volition to wear a collar or a habit are not magically exempt from such temptations. Having said that, my money will always be on the “selfless men and women” who serve the Church, many of whom happen to also be ordained or consecrated. The problem is not the priesthood, Mr. Carroll, it is with men who fail to live up to their vocation, or fail to take it seriously. We should pray for the former, for the continued strength of our servant priests to deal with the occasional bouts of isolation and loneliness, as they dedicate their lives to helping us gain eternal salvation. And by the way, this prayer intention extends to all of us, not just ordained men who are indeed “ontologically changed” by the sacrament of Holy Orders. We are all called to live the virtue of chastity, even married men. Not many of us have managed to do so recently, in this our sexually liberated age. Here’s a thought to close with: Just because the publishing houses that print his books and feature his articles in their magazines happen to agree with James Carroll and consider him a cutting-edge prophet, doesn’t mean we have to. Saving the Catholic Church does not require dismantling the priesthood. What we lay believers need to detach ourselves from is not the clerical hierarchy, but rather the egalitarian impulses of the pluralist democratic order that have infested our thinking, and undermined our belief and practice, lo these many years. Robert J. Cavanaugh, Jr. August 23, 2019

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Cooperation and Conflict

Cooperation and Conflict

August 15, 2019 (2,116 words)

Upon turning 75 a little over a month from now, Archbishop Charles J. Chaput will be obliged to submit his resignation to Pope Francis. He has been a faithful bishop, a good man, and an engaging writer. No doubt he will continue to be all three, even in retirement.

Many of us here in this area will be sad to see him step down as leader of the Philadelphia Archdiocese, me included.

While I have always admired his principled stand on faith and morals, the two of us have not always seen eye-to-eye when diagnosing the root cause of our ongoing, deepening cultural malaise. (We have never met, mind you, though he has reprimanded me via email once or twice.)

In reading the text of his most recent speech, Building a culture of religious freedom, which was presented on July 9 to a group of lawyers at the Summit 2019 conference of the Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) in Dana Point, California, I am struck by how we two are mining pretty much the same philosophical territory. Though he is, of course, much more learned and polished than I am.

I may not have fully appreciated our similarities of theme before. I may have been put off by the praise routinely lavished on the Archbishop by what used to be referred to as neo-conservative groups. (What are these groups called nowadays?)

In any event, in reading this latest speech I found myself able to avoid judging the writer by the company he keeps, and evaluate his ideas on their own merit.


what prevents Catholic principles from properly animating society?


Naturally the core Catholic principles being expressed in this speech elicit my unconditional support. Though he and I do still differ on what is preventing these principles from properly animating our society, I now imagine we could very well be the friendliest of conversationalists on the matter.

And I am just immodest enough to think I might be able to sway him somewhat, and make a dent in what I see as his unilateral acceptance of the modern pluralist state as something we Catholics have to live with, but that need not be an impediment to the practice of our faith.

(It should be noted here I have no reason to believe any other bishop in America sees this pluralist situation any differently than does my bishop.)

In the course of his speech The Most Reverend Chaput says several things that resonant with me in a special way. Such as: “There’s no automatic harmony between Christian faith and American democracy.” (Though I do take this sentiment one step further, and happen to think there is, in fact, a natural discord between Christianity and American democracy.)

And: “The eagerness of Catholics to push their way into our country’s mainstream over the past half century, and to climb the ladder of social and economic success, has done very little to Christianize American culture. But it’s done a great deal to bleach out the zeal and faith of everyday Catholics, and to weaken the power of any distinctive Catholic witness.”

Here the Archbishop comes tantalizing close to the very heart of the problem, which I believe is economic in nature. But he veers off into a partisan political example, implying it’s the Democrats who are the bad guys. While the Republicans, the audience he always seems to be addressing with these speeches, are the reliable good guys.


an unfortunate tendency that is hard to shake…


This qualifies as an unfortunate tendency he just can’t seem to shake. When he states, “Human progress means more than getting more stuff, more entitlements and more personal license” he is clearly spelling out basic Catholic anthropology. But with those last two “examples” he is obviously implicating liberals, while bypassing or downplaying the inclination of successful conservatives to revel in “more stuff.”

Thankfully, in his very next breath he rejects the liberal/conservative dialectic by stating unequivocally: “Real human progress satisfies the human hunger for solidarity and communion.”

This bouncing back-and-forth between authentic Catholic formulations and conventional American social commentary is characteristic of the entire speech.

As a writer, Archbishop Chaput strikes me as an interesting case of a prelate with an unerring grasp of Catholic anthropology, who tries too hard to reconcile that anthropology with modern political thought.

In delineating the fault lines in society, his Achilles Heel is too often relying on America’s founding ideals for ballast, as if they were some sort of grand restating of Christian principles for the modern age. This results in a measure of confusion on the part of his audience. Are our cultural problems a collective failure to live up to American ideals, or Catholic ones?

One is left wondering if perhaps His Excellency is unable to fully recognize the ramifications of his own argument. He speaks of an “Enlightenment fantasy” as a dream in which secular ideology creates a perfect world once contentious religious belief is removed from the picture. But isn’t that exactly what our most influential Founding Fathers had in mind?


not quite synthesizing the intended message…


Examples like this, of the Archbishop’s not-quite-successfully synthesizing his intended message, abound. “The deep moral problems we now face in our country didn’t happen overnight. They’ve been fed by a false understanding of freedom for decades, and they have roots in the exile of God from public consciousness.”

Exchange the word “centuries” for the word “decades” in the statement above, and now you are starting to get warm.

“Majority opinion doesn’t determine what is good and true.” Oh, my goodness, that is certainly correct. And error has no rights, as all our pre-Vatican II Popes would be only too happy to tell you.

“But one of the key assumptions of the modern secular state – the secular creation myth – is that religion is naturally prone to violence because it’s irrational and divisive. Secular, non-religious authority, on the other hand, is allegedly rational and unitive… (there is) a push by America’s elite and leadership classes to get religion out of the way. God is a competitor in forming the public will. So God must go.”

Here again Archbishop Chaput beautifully articulates the big-picture issue before us, but does his analysis an injustice by encouraging the impression this is a relatively new problem, when in fact it is hundreds of years old.

When he describes “a culture of narcissism that cocoons us in dumbed-down, bigoted news, vulgarity, distraction and noise, while methodically excluding God from the human imagination,” it may sound like he is describing the last generation or two. In reality, though, he is describing the entire modern secular age.

And from the start the United States has been the epitome of that age.

Telling us: “To work as our country’s political life was intended, America needs a special kind of citizenry: a mature, well-informed electorate of persons able to reason clearly and rule themselves prudently” – this is simply to repeat a piety conservatives continue to take pride in, even though they must realize how little we Americans – liberals and conservatives, alike – have ever been able to model reason and prudence.


conflating the Gospel with the American Experiment…


And sadly, when the Archbishop insists on referring to “American liberty,” as in “the greatest danger to American liberty…,” it’s a sign he is conflating the Gospel with the American Experiment.

To decry “a nation based on a degraded notion of liberty, on license rather than real freedom,” may sound like the familiar argument of conservative icons like Edmund Burke or John Adams, outlining the pre-requisites of a successful democracy.

But this is a quintessentially Catholic argument, with roots at least as far back as Augustine – a fact any churchman with Archbishop Chaput’s keen knowledge of history most certainly gets. But he seems unwilling to accept the mantle that is his to assume. By trading in the currency of “license rather than true freedom,” he is actually making the Catholic case against democracy.

Which is why it’s so curious for him to then state: “In real life, democracy is built on two practical pillars, cooperation and conflict. It requires both.”

Really? I confess to having missed that part of The Federalist Papers, the part where Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay take time out from their elaborate discussion of competing interests, to expound on the benefits of cooperation.

But such benefits are real, and being the sound Catholic thinker he is, The Most Reverend Chaput knows this only too well: “…people have a natural hunger for the kind of solidarity that makes all community possible.” Again, this is Catholic anthropology at its most elemental. But it should be pointed out this notion of cooperation has nothing whatsoever to do with democracy, or with the American Founding.

Then in the very next sentence he identifies the reality of conflict, and illuminates the source of deep, abiding conflicts: “…because people have competing visions of what’s right and true. The more deeply they hold their convictions, the more naturally people seek to have those convictions shape society.”


there is a reason secular convictions have shaped our society…


Yes, Archbishop, I agree with this analysis. And over the course of the last two hundred years or so, while we religious believers were busy pursing our material advancement, and turning our backs on God, one small twist at a time, we, too, became secularists, for all intents and purposes. And that’s why secular convictions have come to shape our society.

To be honest, I have trouble understanding the premise of this speech. Or, for that matter, the underlying premise of much of Archbishop Chaput’s musings on our wayward culture, which he has shared with the world in a few well-regarded best-sellers. His core belief, as stated once again in this speech, is that:

“Religious believers can live quite peacefully with the separation of Church and state, so long as the arrangement translates into real freedom of religion, and not the half-starved copy of the real thing called ‘freedom of worship.’”

This distinction, which the Archbishop and many others promote and put such stock in, leaves me scratching my head every time. It seems to me it’s precisely the concept of “religious freedom” that has created the mess we believers find ourselves in today.

Religious freedom is nothing but a nefarious strategy employed by America’s elite and leadership classes – which have always had a secular mindset, from the very beginning – to achieve their desired objective of bleaching out the zeal and faith of everyday people.

Mission accomplished, wouldn’t you say?

I also find it a little late in the game to be talking about the dangers of “standing by idly while our liberty to preach and serve God in the public square is whittled away.” Whittled away? My good man, it’s been sandblasted away. We all decided a long time ago to serve mammon. Giving lip service to God at this late date makes for a sorry display, and reveals us as the hypocrites we are.

As an antidote to all this, I know His Excellency is big on everyone participating in the political process. As he reminds us again in this speech, “…Every one of our elections matter.”

Well, they would matter a lot more if we could actually vote from our religious convictions. If the public leaders we elect could create good policy based on Scripture and a moral tradition, which is founded on a belief in the unity of faith and reason, and is firmly grounded in the natural law. If the judges those leaders appoint would refer to something more substantial than our Constitution as the basis of their rulings.

And most importantly, if Christians in general and Catholics in particular, would stop accepting the me-first, trickle-down economic theories certain candidates insist on parroting, election after election.

We need a thorough re-assessment of the way our economy has been allowed to function – apart from any moral consideration – and how this singular fact has determined the kind of nation we have become.

It’s clear that approaching our cultural problems from such an unorthodox angle is outside Archbishop Chaput’s wheelhouse.

In the end, though, I do welcome and agree with the clarity of the following statement, cribbed from near the end of the Archbishop’s recent speech:

“All of us who are people of faith need to re-examine the spirit that has ruled our approach to American life for the past many decades. We need to recover our distinctive religious identifies and histories. Then we need to act on them.”

Robert J. Cavanaugh, Jr.
August 15, 2019

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The Prancing Prince

The Prancing Prince

July 30, 2019 (379 words) Some actors hit the ground running and are enjoyable to watch from their very earliest film roles right on through to the end of their careers. William Holden comes to mind. Others get off to a less auspicious start. As neophytes they appear drunk on their own handsomeness, unable to do little more in front of the camera other than pose. Richard Gere would fall into this latter category for me. Desperate for something to watch the other night, I picked up a copy of First Knight in the remainder bin at the grocery store. A very young Mr. Gere plays Sir Lancelot to Sean Connery’s King Arthur. The movie opens with Gere the expert swordsman challenging local amateurs in a small village square, winner-take-all. The prowess he displays with his weapon, and a small leather pouch of jangling coins, is meant to strike us as remarkable. But it’s downright painful to watch this scene as he hops about in an awkward, coquettish manner. One is reminded this was early days for the thespian, when he was flavor-of-the-month and every female moviegoer swooned at the mere sight of him. (Even though as a native of upstate New York, he was widely rumored at the time to be an active member of the burgeoning gay community in New York City.) To his credit, Richard Gere went on to eventually grow up and calm down as an actor. He was able to come to terms with his appearance, and his attractiveness was no longer an impediment to relating believably to the other actors and actresses in a given film. Which just goes to show we should never judge a book by its cover, even in real life. Yes, being catnip to the opposite sex can be its own sort of curse, its own sort of affliction, as it can interfere with the development of empathy and a consideration for others. But over time it’s possible for those endowed with above-average looks to tame their vanity, overcome their natural inclination towards narcissism, and evolve into a level-headed, well-adjusted human being. Being easy on the eyes doesn’t always have to translate into being hard to put up with. Robert J. Cavanaugh, Jr. July 30, 2019

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